"In the Cause of the People:" Liberian Voters Plainly Reject the "Congo-Country" Divide
William E. Allen, Ph.D.
The Perspective
Atlanta, Georgia
November 14, 2005
Dr. William Allen
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Brief Background to the "Congo-Country"
Divide
Since its inception nearly two centuries ago, the
Liberian polity has been strongly influenced by ethnicity
or the "Congo-Country" dichotomy. From 1822
when Liberia was established, the minority settlers
from the United States monopolized political power
to the exclusion of the vast majority of indigenous
Africans such as Kru, Bassa, Kpelle, etc. The minority
called itself Americo-Liberians. But in the mid-1900s,
the indigenous majority began to refer to the Americo-Liberians
as "Congo." The name was derived from of
a smaller group of Africans, who were relocated to
Liberia in the 1800s after being freed from slave
ships; most of the Congoes claimed to have originated
in the region of the Congo River in central Africa,
hence the title "Congo." The Congoes lived
in the homes of prominent Americo-Liberians, where
they assimilated the culture and social attitudes
of the settlers. Together, the "Congoes"
and the Americo-Liberians dominated and exploited
the much larger indigenous population. To the indigenous
people, both groups were the same, hence, they called
them "Congoes." It was not until 1980, more
than a century later that the monopoly the "Congoes"
enjoyed was brought to an abrupt end.
The man who ended that monopoly was Samuel Doe, son of an indigenous African of the Khran ethnic group who are found mainly in Grand Gedeh County. Indigenous Liberians celebrated Doe’s ascent by dancing and singing "native women born soldier," expecting him to improve their lot and end the divisive ethnic divide. Sadly, Doe's economic policy was not only ruinous, but he perpetuated the ugly "Congo-Country" division. Key positions in his government were reserved for his Khran kinfolk or select members from the allied neighboring Grebo- and Kru-speakers. Moreover, to gain political advantage, Doe employed the old "divide and conquer" tactic and revived age-old rivalries among the indigenous people. For example, he succeeded in stirring tension among the Mano\Gio on the one hand and the Khran on the other; the feud between the two sides is still simmering. Also, as recently as 2003, the "Congo-Country" divide was brought to the fore during the peace negotiations in Accra that gave rise to the present interim government of Gyude Bryant. Given the opportunity to select the new interim chairman, representatives of the LURD warring faction, who were primarily descendants of indigenous Liberians, selected Mr. Gyude Bryant supposedly because he was "Country." But in the runoff election of November 8, Liberian voters proved their political savvy by refusing to play the jaded, antiquated, and destructive "Congo-Country" game. Consequently, they chose neither a "Congo" or a "Country" person. Instead, the voters selected the most competent Liberian for the nation's highest job.
October 11, Presidential Election: Voters
Send Message, Losers Miscalculate
Because none of the twenty-two candidates that participated
in the October 11th presidential election received
the "50 percent-plus" votes required to
win, the runoff between the two front runners was
set for November 8: Mr. Weah and Madam Johnson-Sirleaf
had won 28 percent and 20 percent respectively. Both
candidates fit the perfect stereotype of the "Congo-Country"
divide. Ms. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf is generally considered
"Congo," while Mr. George Weah, of Kru and
Bassa ethnicity, is obviously "Country."
In the October 11, election, Mr. Weah had obtained
most of his votes in Grand Kru, Sinoe and Grand Bassa
Counties, places where the Kru and Bassa, his ethnic
groups, are in the majority. He also did well among
the Krahn and Grebo, two groups that are culturally
and linguistically allied with the Kru and Bassa.
As the result of his strong showing in those areas,
the conventional wisdom was that Weah's victory was
driven by Liberia’s age-old "Congo-Country"
schism. And given that "Country" people
constitute the vast majority of Liberia’s population,
Weah was expected to easily win the runoff election.
This partially explains why most of the presidential
candidates that voters rejected in the October 11th
election hurriedly joined the Weah bandwagon. But
these political opportunists misread the message that
voters were sending.
A closer analysis of Weah's triumph in the October 11th election reveals that voters did not base their choice solely on his ethnic origin, for Mr. Weah also won among non-Kru and non-Bassa groups. For instance, he carried Montserrado with its ethnically diverse population, and he had the largest votes among the Mano and Gio of Nimba County. He came second in several counties including Bong with its Kpelle-speakers, in Bomi and its mainly Gola-speakers, and in Cape Mount where the Vai live. Therefore, Weah’s victory was not dictated solely by his Kru and Bassa background. The second place winner in the October election, Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, the so-called "Congo" woman, also won in predominantly "Country" counties. She carried Lofa County with its large Lorma and Mandingo population, took the ethnically-mixed Gbarpolu County, won in Bomi County with its Gola people, and bagged Margibi, home of mostly Kpelle- and Bassa-speakers. Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf was also an impressive second among the Krahn in Grand Gedeh, ahead of the late Samuel Doe's NDPL. She was also second in River Gee and Cape Mount and came a strong third in Sinoe and Bong, all of which are supposedly "Country" counties. Voters had sent a clear signal in the October 11th election. If the politicians, who rushed to declare support for Mr. Weah in the runoff election had listened attentively, they would have heard this one message from the electorate: The choice for the next president of Liberia is not based solely on the old destructive politics of "Congo-Country." Supporters of several political parties, whose standard bearers had unilaterally joined Mr. Weah, publicly denounced that action and jettisoned their old parties. Thus, as a result of their shortsightedness and inflated egos, these tribal politicians set the stage for Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s overpowering victory on November 8.
Voters' Choice: Experience over Uncertainty,
Not "Congo" or "Country"
In the crucial runoff election, the voters once again
denounced the so-called "Congo-Country"
division and embraced the concept of a single national
identity. Rather than use the divisive "Congo-Country"
tradition as a litmus test, voters chose experience
over uncertainty. In so doing, they chose Madam Ellen
Johnson-Sirleaf. Mr. Weah certainly deserves credit
for energizing the democratic process; he brought
momentum to an otherwise lethargic campaign. However,
when the critical question of leadership arose, Liberians
were uneasy with Mr. Weah. His story of rags-to-riches
and his celebrity as an international football player
were indeed heartwarming. But beyond his celebrity,
Liberians know nothing about his morality, his mental
fortitude, his analytical capacity, his commitment
to the tenets of democracy, and his ability to act
under pressure. These are just few of the elementary
qualities that a national leader must possess to succeed.
Voters rightly concluded that electing Mr. Weah would
have been a huge risk, particularly at a time when
leadership was certain to make the difference between
rebuilding Liberia and carrying on business as usual.
In Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, Liberians saw experience,
competence, and a clear vision for rebuilding Liberia.
After Mr. Weah swallows the disappointment of his
crushing defeat, he might try to acquire some training
and return in 2011 at the ripe age of 46 or so to
contest the next presidential election.
Liberian voters gave president-elect Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf a compelling mandate. Her victory is convincing and reflects a national consensus. With 99 percent of the votes counted, she has won in ten of the fifteen counties, carrying eight by 60 percent or more, and two by 55 percent. Here is the breakdown: in Nimba she received 77 percent, 67 percent in Grand Bassa, 70 percent in Bong, 76 percent in Margibi, 62 percent in Cape Mount, 79 percent in Gbapolu, and 60 percent in Lofa. As further evidence of her broad national appeal, the president-elect won the ethnically diverse Montesarrado County by 55 percent, Maryland also by 55 percent, and took a third of the votes in River Gee. Unlike Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s broad national appeal in the runoff, Mr. Weah’s win is confined to the tiny southeastern region of Sinoe, Grand Kru, Grand Gedeh, and River Gee Counties. His only victory outside of the southeastern territory is in River Cess, and he carried that county by a razor-thin 51 percent to Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s 49 percent. She certainly merits the title of "Iron-Lady."
I congratulate president-elect Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf for her impressive victory; an overwhelming majority of Liberians from Liberia's sixteen ethnic groups have empowered her to lead the nation in its post-war reconstruction. I also extend my deepest appreciation to the Liberian people who wisely sidestepped the old "Congo-Country" gulf and cast their vote for a new day. In the new Liberia, all will be judged not by ethnicity but by their character and their qualifications. By refusing to embrace the stale politics of "Congo-Country" the voters have set Liberia on a new course. God bless Liberian voters, God bless president-elect Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, and God bless Liberia. In the cause of the people, the real struggle has begun!